How will historical past (to not point out voters) keep in mind Daniel Andrews?

The Commonwealth agreed, and the army was on its manner, however by the following day the plan was placed on maintain as a result of the Andrews authorities was “revising its request”. Crisp later advised the resort quarantine inquiry he withdrew his request on the behest of the Division of Justice and Group Security, as a result of the division was taking on the operation of this system and was trying into alternate options, together with utilizing police and corrective providers employees.

Andrews did find yourself taking cost of the beleaguered resort quarantine scheme, driving down circumstances and paying nearer consideration to each side of this system and the general public well being response. He blamed his ministers for not asking their secretaries pertinent questions on the pandemic response – however neither did he. For a authorities that shifted its complete give attention to COVID-19, it failed to make sure correct oversight.

Daniel Andrews watches his then health minister Jenny Mikakos at the podium.

Daniel Andrews watches his then well being minister Jenny Mikakos on the podium.Credit score:Scott McNaughton

“Daniel is clever and perceptive,” says one former Labor MP. “There are scandals and dramas he ought to have prevented, and if he had been considering, he would have. He’s been actually good at using out scandals. The query typically is, ought to they’ve been scandals within the first place?”


On July 16, 2021, Victoria entered its fifth lockdown for 5 days after some supply drivers arrived from Sydney – the place coronavirus circumstances had been raging – sparking vital chains of transmission spanning from Melbourne to Mildura: the stay-at-home orders had been prolonged for an extra 5 days.


By this time, Victoria’s public well being workforce had grown more and more assured in its capability to snuff out COVID-19 outbreaks, and to maintain any lockdowns to a most of 14 days, in accordance with a state authorities supply. Was this the results of vanity and hubris? Simply overzealousness, they replied.

There was additionally politics at play. An unvaccinated and maskless Bondi limousine driver who had transported worldwide flight crews examined constructive for the extra virulent Delta pressure of COVID-19 on June 16, 2021, resulting in an outbreak that originally was largely contained to Sydney’s rich japanese suburbs – but it surely very quickly unfold in each path.

Andrews spent weeks berating NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian’s “comfortable strategy” to COVID-19 restrictions, urging her to take a more durable stance and impose stricter restrictions. Berejiklian, who had by then efficiently contained a number of COVID-19 outbreaks with out imposing statewide lockdowns like her interstate counterparts, was refusing to heed Andrews’ unsolicited recommendation, regardless of the virus spreading quickly by way of Sydney’s prosperous east and the Northern Seashores, after which to the economically depressed western suburbs.

The once-close relationship between the Victorian and NSW premiers had not fully disintegrated, says senior minister Martin Pakula, who was a part of the Andrews authorities’s COVID-19 decision-making cupboard. However Andrews was “fairly pissed off” when NSW’s coronavirus downside turned a Victorian downside.

“I believe that was primarily as a result of Daniel felt, understandably, that Victoria had been unnecessarily uncovered by the sort of cavalier strategy NSW took to [the] Delta [variant] within the early days,” Pakula says. “No matter you say about our dealing with in 2020, we did every thing we may to cease it from leaching over state borders. Our view was, as unhealthy as that is, we’ll by no means be forgiven if we change into chargeable for large outbreaks in different elements of the nation. So along with attempting to include it right here, we tried to cease it getting out of Victoria. And I simply assume Dan thought [the NSW premier] had change into a sufferer of her personal publicity – ‘Gladys with the golden contact, can do no improper, the girl who saved Australia’ – and it generated a stage of hubris and a cavalier strategy to coping with the virus. It was like NSW began to imagine its personal bullshit, that one way or the other the virus behaved in a different way there.”

The connection between Victoria, NSW and the Commonwealth was changing into more and more tense all through 2021. By the beginning of that 12 months, a view had shaped in Victoria that the Commonwealth was at all times too gradual to behave, in accordance Pakula. Whether or not it was closing worldwide borders, establishing quarantine, introducing restrictions, offering earnings and enterprise help or, in later months, rolling out the vaccination program.

On the morning of April 9, 2021, Deputy Premier James Merlino was on the brink of fill in for Andrews at his first nationwide cupboard assembly, and he requested his chief for suggestions. Andrews texted again:

Let Gladys do all of the speaking. And conform to nothing – these minutes are at all times in want of very cautious assessment. They appear proper within the shit atm [at the moment]. In all seriousness, they have to begin reporting disaggregated knowledge. And so assume, simply sit again and hearken to him [Morrison] define how he’s going to repair HIS vaccination program. That’s what I normally do. D.

“Certainly [the relationship between Victoria and the Commonwealth] was tense,” Merlino says. “There was frustration, and it wasn’t simply between Victoria and the Commonwealth, it was states and territories … In these early days it was actually Dan and Gladys driving this message that we’ve obtained to be critical about this pandemic, we’ve obtained to shut the borders, as a result of if we don’t, the factor will probably be unstoppable, as we had been seeing in different elements of the world.“

However after the COVID-19 outbreak in NSW in July that Victoria believed may have been prevented if it had been for stronger interventions, that relationship worsened.

Armed with a splash of hope and hubris, the Victorian authorities lifted restrictions simply two weeks after the July 16 lockdown started. Andrews believed he had overwhelmed the virus into submission but once more.

Lower than a fortnight later, Victoria was again in one other lockdown – its sixth one, which might final greater than 70 days and power the federal government to desert its technique to eradicate COVID-19 and begrudgingly comply with NSW’s lead in vaccinating the state out of the rising outbreak.

By then, Victorians had endured one of many world’s longest lockdowns – however the public well being restriction that appeared to harm the state most got here on August 16, when Andrews introduced the return of the curfew and a two-week extension to the town’s lockdown. Playgrounds, basketball hoops, skate parks and outside gear – the final vestiges of normality for kids – could be closed, Andrews mentioned. “We’re at a tipping level,” he added.

Andrews was additionally at a tipping level together with his management, having misplaced his capability to coax and coerce the general public to remain the course, and issues had been getting uglier. 5 days after shutting down playgrounds, then-health minister Martin Foley introduced adjustments to childcare entry – solely the kids of important staff could be allowed to attend, he mentioned, with out clarifying if each dad and mom or only one wanted to be a vital employee.

His workplace known as journalists moments later, saying just one father or mother wanted to be a vital employee for the household to entry childcare. Hours later, the Division of Well being contradicted the minister’s workplace, and mentioned each dad and mom should be important staff. Lower than half-hour later, the premier’s workplace overturned the Division of Well being’s choice, and warranted journalists that just one father or mother wanted to be a vital employee.

Behind the scenes, the premier was rising more and more pissed off with Chief Well being Officer Brett Sutton and the Division of Well being over the instructions that they had issued, believing that at instances they had been too stringent and thus politically damaging. The childcare debacle had become a large political headache for the federal government as dad and mom across the state grew angrier.

Native MPs had been fielding calls from pissed off Victorians about whether or not or not they may ship their youngsters to childcare, whereas authorities backbenchers and ministers – together with the minister for early childhood training – had been incorrectly posting on social media that below the brand new guidelines each dad and mom wanted to be important staff.

The flipping and flopping on the childcare guidelines, though seemingly small within the grand scheme of issues, supplied the backdrop for the Andrews authorities’s greatest disaster, which arrived simply months later: widespread vaccine mandates.

In locked-down Victoria, the place there was nothing to do and nowhere to go, many had begun exploring the darker corners of the web, notably Fb teams and Telegram channels. They had been initially questioning the science of COVID-19 and spreading misinformation concerning the origins of the virus, after which become the anti-vaccination motion.


Odd Victorians who had misplaced a way of their livelihood, who had been anxious about their future and who had felt the total power of state intervention by way of lockdown legal guidelines, border closures and vaccine mandates discovered themselves in on-line boards interacting with far-right extremists.

The motion spilled from the fringes of the web to the streets of Melbourne in mid-September 2021, when the Andrews authorities introduced it was engaged on a plan to implement COVID-19 vaccination mandates in sure industries, together with building.

Industrial relations minister Tim Pallas issued a stern warning to the development sector: its “permitted employee standing” that enabled them to work all through lockdown might be revoked any time and websites shut down following rising coronavirus transmission and studies of individuals working maskless or dropping their guard throughout meal and drink breaks. Days later, the federal government adopted by way of on its risk, after which went a step additional by mandating COVID-19 vaccines for building staff.

The response was feral. Tens of 1000’s of Victorians, largely males and largely building staff, spilled out onto the streets protesting vaccine mandates, lockdowns, vaccination itself and COVID-19.

The women and men wore their high-vis and steel-capped boots and turned out on daily basis for nearly per week, wreaking havoc by way of the town. And for months, bigger crowds turned out on Saturdays to protest every thing from Andrews himself to lockdowns to vaccine mandates. The motion was not abating – and the federal government’s highway map out of coronavirus restrictions solely added gasoline to the blazing hearth.

Angry protesters marching through Melbourne’s CBD in late 2021.

Offended protesters marching by way of Melbourne’s CBD in late 2021. Credit score:Luis Enrique Ascui

To announce the brand new guidelines, the federal government summoned the media to a press convention, the place journalists had been handed a duplicate of the plan that outlined the freedoms folks may start to take pleasure in as soon as 80 per cent of the eligible inhabitants had been absolutely vaccinated: hospitality venues would reopen with density limits for absolutely vaccinated folks, weddings and funerals may resume for absolutely vaccinated folks, and all retail would open.

The doc was specific: there was no vaccine requirement for retail prospects. However Andrews advised reporters: “The vaccinated financial system is right here to remain. It is not going to be folded up moments after it will get to the total peak. In truth, we are going to add to the vaccinated financial system by asking and mandating that every one non-essential retail should be vaccinated as properly – each to go in and to work as properly.”

That was the primary Victorians had heard they might have to be absolutely immunised in opposition to COVID-19 to enter non-essential retail, resembling outfitters and bookshops. On condition that the announcement got here with out forewarning, days later Andrews mentioned retail shops would initially open to everybody from the top of that month to offer folks sufficient discover; from late November, solely the vaccinated could be allowed to enter.

The business warned this may trigger chaos, and consultants queried why Victoria had determined to be so liberal with its mandates. Andrews dodged and deflected, refusing to deal with the substantive components of the query and as an alternative pointing to generalities across the pandemic, vaccines and well being recommendation. His political power has at all times been to exude a persuasive sense of conviction – his solutions on widespread vaccine mandates didn’t waver.

The chief well being officer was not initially satisfied to mandate COVID-19 vaccines in “non-essential” retail, privately citing the instance of oldsters purchasing for their youngsters’s faculty uniforms. That is Daniel Andrews’ Victoria, although. He’s a person too proud, and too politically broken over two years, to again down.

When the premier went on stage at Treasury Theatre to announce the highway map, he mentioned “bookshops and shoe retailers” had been a part of Victoria’s vaccinated financial system. They weren’t. The doc made no point out of vaccinations being required in non-essential retail settings.

One other chief may need admitted they obtained it improper or misspoke, and walked again on their announcement, however Andrews was already livid with the best way the childcare instructions had been dealt with earlier and politically couldn’t afford the humiliation of one other correction or extra confusion. A month later, the chief well being officer signed new public well being orders to mandate vaccines in non-essential retail settings. It didn’t go down properly in locked-down Victoria.


Andrews had at all times anticipated stepping down earlier than the 2022 election. Having seen the surprising downfall of the Brumby authorities and the spectacular implosion of the federal Labor authorities, Andrews assumed – based mostly purely on the best way trendy politics works – he wouldn’t have been re-elected for a 3rd time period.


However after main Labor to its resounding victory in 2018, he realised he may win a 3rd time period and see himself in bronze alongside different long-serving premiers outdoors Parliament’s Treasury Place. After which COVID-19 hit, battering his and his authorities’s repute, and he recognised that he wanted to revive his repute and redefine his legacy.

After his 2014 election win, the Victorian premier had crashed and burned by way of workplace, unleashing a not-so-quiet revolution: from trains, roads and colleges to an adventurous social reform agenda that turned a blueprint for progressive politics throughout the nation. However many contained in the Labor motion privately acknowledge that it’s Andrews’ dealing with of the pandemic that may outline his time in workplace.

Till the extremely virulent Omicron pressure of COVID-19 ripped by way of Australia round Christmas 2021, Victoria was the nation’s pariah. No baby in another state or territory missed as many faculty days as all schoolchildren had in Dan’s Victoria. Melbourne was among the many world’s longest locked-down cities. Town’s inhabitants declined greater than that of another Australian capital. And, most damningly, by April 2022, Victorians had misplaced extra residents to COVID-19 than the remainder of the nation, largely on account of the second wave that adopted leaks in resort quarantine.

And but Andrews remained stubbornly standard, regardless of greater than two tumultuous pandemic years. In that point, he additionally misplaced 4 ministers to department stacking, which was the topic of an anti-corruption inquiry; he misplaced one other minister and two departmental secretaries to the bungling of resort quarantine; the infrastructure program was dealing with value blowouts and delays; and the state’s funds had been deep in debt and deficit. To outsiders, Andrews’ recognition was exhausting to know.

When Victorians exited their sixth lockdown in late 2021 – simply earlier than the Omicron surge – Newspoll reported a 58-42-point lead for Labor on two-party-preferred phrases. One of the crucial telling numbers associated to the query on Andrews’ efficiency: 56 per cent surveyed mentioned they had been happy together with his efficiency, 42 per cent mentioned they had been dissatisfied, and solely 2 per cent didn’t have a view someway. Individuals both beloved him or hated him. Solely hardly ever did they don’t have any opinion about him.

What explains Andrews’ political resilience? “Victorians may not agree with all points of [the Andrews government’s] exercise,” politics professor Paul Strangio wrote for The Age, “however they seem to have credited the Andrews authorities for the truth that it’s doing issues with energy. The intensive legacy that it’s constructing stands in distinction with the minimalist governing fashion of the federal Coalition authorities. Certainly, an extra issue buttressing Andrews’ recognition is that he offers a counterpoint to Scott Morrison’s inconsequential management.”

The opposite component to the Andrews authorities’s resilience is the premier himself. “He’s an intriguing and potent mixture of political exhausting man and purposeful reformer,” Strangio argued. “Andrews is the primary larger-than-life chief of this state since Jeff Kennett.”

Shortly after the 2018 South Australian election, when the Liberals ended the 16-year reign of the Labor authorities, Peter Malinauskas was elected as the brand new Labor opposition chief. The grandson of Hungarian and Lithuanian refugees who moved to Adelaide to open a fish and chip store, Malinauskas seemed 700 kilometres east for recommendation – to a Labor chief who had consigned the Liberals to being a one-term authorities.

“If well being turns into an issue, go and reconnect with the nurses’ union,” Andrews advised Malinauskas once they met in 2018. “Discover your three disaster points and make all of it about that. Don’t admit the place you bought it improper and do the mea culpa factor. It feels good at the moment, however they may simply beat you over the top with it.”


It was sound political recommendation, and on March 21, 2022 Peter Malinauskas turned the primary opposition chief to unseat an incumbent state or territory authorities in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic. Andrews’ phrases had been these of a person with unimaginable political antennae, but additionally with a worrying streak of vanity. They epitomised the Victorian premier’s management fashion: targeted, decided, defiant and unrepentant.

In instances of disaster, the Labor chief has at all times acted as if there’s nothing to see. After which, when issues get actually powerful, he reverts to his roots as a factional brawler: fierce and unforgiving.

These defining qualities of Andrews, who has at all times balanced ideology with an acute sense of what the mainstream will tolerate, might but be the Achilles heel that permits the autumn of his authorities. Whether or not or not Andrews, who was on his option to changing into Victoria’s most important premier this century, will really depart a long-lasting legacy stays to be seen, however his pals and foes each agree that he has been a pacesetter for the instances.

That is an edited extract from Daniel Andrews by Sumeyya Ilanbey, RRP $32.99, revealed by Allen & Unwin, out 30 August, 2022.

Minimize by way of the noise of federal politics with information, views and knowledgeable evaluation from Jacqueline Maley. Subscribers can signal as much as our weekly Inside Politics e-newsletter right here.

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